Confronting the objective conspiracy of the order of things, there is a diffuse conspiracy of which we are de facto members
We're obliged to force open a door to a space we already occupy.
The only party to built is the one that's already there. We must rid ourselves of all the mental clutter that gets in the way of a clear grasp of our shared situation.
We are alternately the agressive entrepreneur and the couch potato
"Use a continuous crisis to avert any actual crisis." On the everyday level, this is akin to the well-known counter-insurgency practice of "destabilizing in order to stabilize", which, for the authorities, consist in deliberately producing chaos so as to make order more desirable than revolution. From micromanagement to the management of whole countries, the population is kept in a kind of constant trauma. The resulting stupefaction and dereliction mean that the manager can do more or less what they want with each and everyone.
Epoch are proud. Each one of them claims to be unique. Our own pride itself on bringing about the historical collision of a planetary ecological crisis, a generalized crisis of democracies, and an inexorable energy crisis, the whole being crowned by a creeping global economic crisis, but "unmatched for the last hundred years." And this affirms and hightens our pleasure at living trough an epoch like no other.
The biggest problem climate change poses isn't how the Department of Defense should plan for resource wars, or how we should put sea walls to protect Alphabet City, Or When we should evacuate Hoboken. It won't be addressed by buying a Prius, signing a treaty or turning off the air-conditioning. The biggest problem we face is a philosophicalone: understanding that this civilization is already dead.
One shouldn't undersestimate te craving for apocalypse, the lust for Armageddon that permeates the epoch.
The dream of a prosperous society, established through science and industry, one that was totally automated and finally pacified. Something like an earthly paradis organized on the model of a psychiatric hospital or a sanatorium. An ideal that can only come from seriously ill beings who no longer even hope for a remission. "Heaven is a place where nothing ever happens", the song says.
he's said to be a "young person," wheter he's 16 or 30. He's called a "young person" because he's socially nil, and because, back when one became someone on reaching adulthood, the young people were precisely those who were still nobodies
A calm discovery of the thousand other ways the "good life" can be understood, ways that are not enemy ways for being different, at least not necessarily.
The fact that a form of organization as banal and predictable as the assembly was invested with such an intense veneration says a lot about the nature of democratic affects. If insurection has to do with anger at first, then with joy, direct democracy, with its formalism, is an affair of worriers. We want to be sure that nothing will occur that is not covered by some procedure.
If democrats must structure the situation to this degree, it's because they have no trust in it. And if they don't trust the situation, this is because at bottom, they don't trust themselves. Their fear of allowing themselves to be overwhelmed by the situation makes them want to control democracy at any cost, even if this often means destroying it.
To destitute power is to take away it's legitimacy, compel it to recognize its arbitrariness, reveal its contingent dimension.
The myopic children of democracy
How do we contest an order that isn't articulated in language, that is constructed step by step and wordlessly? An order that is embodied in the very objects of everyday life.
Whereas the engineer would capture everything that functions, in such a way that everything functions better in service to the system, the hacker ask himself "How does that work?" in oreder to find its flaws, but also to invent other uses, to experiment.
Understanding how the devices around us work, brings an immediate increase in power, giving us a purchase on what will then no longer appear as an environnement, but as a world arranged in a certain way and one that we can shape. This is the hacker's perspective on the world.
Capital doesn't frame itself any longer in national terms, but territory by territory. It doesn't spread itself evenly in very place; it concentrates itself locally by organizing each territory into a milieu of cultivation. It doesn't try to get everyone moving at the same rate, with progress on their radios, but alloy the world to delink into zones of intense surplus-value extraction and neglected zones into theaters of war and pacified spaces.
We can organize ourselves, and that capacity is fundamentally joyfull.
There is no Esperanto of revolt. It's not up to the rebel to learn to speak anarchist; it's up to the anarchists to become polyglot.
The war of all against all is not what comes when the state is no longer there, but what the state skillfully organizes for as long as it exists.
every power in our sense has three dimensions - spirit, force, and richness. Its growth dpends on keeping the three of them together. As a historical power, a revolutionary movement is that deployment of a spiritual expression - which may take a theorical, literary, artistic or metaphysical form - of war-making capacity - which may be oriented towards attack or toward self-defense - and an abundance of material means and places. These three dimensions are variously combined in time and space, giving rise to forms, dreams, forces, and histories that are always singular. But whenever one of these dimensions loses contact with the others and becomes independent of them, the movement has degenerated. It has defenerated into an armed vanguard, a sect of theoricians or an alternative enterprise. The Red Brigades, the Situationists, and the nightclubs -sorry the "social centers"- of the Disobedients are standard formulas of failure as far as revolution goes. Ensuring an increase of power demands that every revolutionary force progress on each of these planes simultaneously. To remain stuck on the offensive plane is eventually to run out of cogent ideas and to make the abundance of means insipid. To stop moving theoretically is a sure way of being caught off guard by the movements of capital and of losing the ability to apprehend life as it's lived where you are. To give up on constructing worlds with our hands is to resign oneslef to a ghostly existence.
A friend wrote: "What is happiness? It's the feeling that our power is increasing - that an obstacle is being overcome."
To become revolutionary is to assign oneself a difficult, but immediate, happiness.